- All men are by nature equal, made all of the same earth by one Workman; and however we deceive ourselves, as dear unto God is the poor peasant as the mighty prince.
PlatoMany hundreds of years ahead of Locke and most of his peers studied these Greeks where the concept of the individual originated pre-Christian 422 BC
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- When the government mistakenly defines “economic rights” to things it cannot guarantee, it ends up creating conditions that deny people the very liberties and property rights it should protect. How can the government guarantee you a certain wage? It has no way of knowing what your productivity is, or what the value of that productivity is. Only your employer and you know what your work is worth, and it is up to you to demand to be paid for what you do. Not the government.
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- For Franklin s Bio go to amazon get kindle for PC then go to books and select FREE there will be a copy of Franklin's bio and all the works of the masters in philosophy over the ages.These people created the entire base of knowledge for people like Locke and the Founders to create modern freedoms and the RULE - BY - LAW societies.
Author Anaxagoras Quotes 500 BC - 428 BC Antisthenes Quotes 444 BC - 371 BC Aristotle Quotes 384 BC - 322 BC Democritus Quotes 460 BC - 370 BC Diogenes Quotes 412 BC - 323 BC Empedocles Quotes 490 BC - 430 BC Epictetus Quotes 55 - 135 Epicurus Quotes 341 BC - 271 BC Heraclitus Quotes 544 BC - 483 BC Hypatia Quotes 350 - 415 Plato Quotes 427 BC - 347 BC Plutarch Quotes 46 - 120 Protagoras Quotes 481 BC - 411 BC Diogenes of Sinope Quotes 412 BC - 323 BC Socrates Quotes 469 BC - 399 BC Thales Quotes 624 BC - 546 BC Theophrastus Quotes 370 BC - 285 BC Xenocrates Quotes 396 BC - 314 BC Xenophanes Quotes 570 BC - 480 BC Citium Zeno Quotes 335 BC - 264 BC
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- Nice history lesson you did not mention the seventh amendment proposed by Jefferson that basically through out Admiralty law. The Seventh Amendment to the United States Constitution, which is part of the Bill of Rights, codifies the right to a jury trial in certain civil cases. In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.As Thomas Jefferson explained: that
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- Unfortunately, JDR, the judiciary no longer recognizes the rights and power of juries. In law [Constitutional] juries still posess the authority but by judicial edict, and practice, they do not. chk out: Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, Rule 6.
A good read:
http://www.constitution.org/lrev/roots/runaway.htm
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- if these are the issues - all concerned have been jailed - British Common law - case law theory is now established. The courts will not permit any challenges as no one has standing? Even you Troy had no Standing so the court just dismisses your motion out of hand.
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- War Powers can set aside the Constitution - look at FDR in WW II internment camps - they were legal under war. Why do you think they called it a WAR ON TERRORISTS and even Obama continues now that he needs to avoid the Constructional limits. so, discussion is futile it will change nothing.Restore the original Constitution by revoking the 14th, 16th, and 17th amendments. Prior to them with the exception of Lincoln's usurped civil war.
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- It is time that we reflect on the anti - Federalist papers here is part of Brutus No.1 - the Founders and thinkers of the time were very capable people that understood the Natural Law and the Natural Man.The first question that presents itself on the subject is, whether a confederated government be the best for the United States or not? Or in other words, whether the thirteen United States should be reduced to one great republic, governed by one legislature, and under the direction of one executive and judicial; or whether they should continue thirteen confederated republics, under the direction and controul of a supreme federal head for certain defined national purposes only?This enquiry is important, because, although the government reported by the convention does not go to a perfect and entire consolidation, yet it approaches so near to it, that it must, if executed, certainly and infallibly terminate in it.This government is to possess absolute and uncontroulable power, legislative, executive and judicial, with respect to every object to which it extends, for by the last clause of section 8th, article 1st, it is declared "that the Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution, in the government of the United States; or in any department or office thereof." And by the 6th article, it is declared "that this constitution, and the laws of the United States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and the treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution, or law of any state to the contrary notwithstanding." It appears from these articles that there is no need of any intervention of the state governments, between the Congress and the people, to execute any one power vested in the general government, and that the constitution and laws of every state are nullified and declared void, so far as they are or shall be inconsistent with this constitution, or the laws made in pursuance of it, or with treaties made under the authority of the United States. — The government then, so far as it extends, is a complete one, and not a confederation. It is as much one complete government as that of New-York or Massachusetts, has as absolute and perfect powers to make and execute all laws, to appoint officers, institute courts, declare offences, and annex penalties, with respect to every object to which it extends, as any other in the world. So far therefore as its powers reach, all ideas of confederation are given up and lost. It is true this government is limited to certain objects, or to speak more properly, some small degree of power is still left to the states, but a little attention to the powers vested in the general government, will convince every candid man, that if it is capable of being executed, all that is reserved for the individual states must very soon be annihilated, except so far as they are barely necessary to the organization of the general government. The powers of the general legislature extend to every case that is of the least importance — there is nothing valuable to human nature, nothing dear to freemen, but what is within its power. It has authority to make laws which will affect the lives, the liberty, and property of every man in the United States; nor can the constitution or laws of any state, in any way prevent or impede the full and complete execution of every power given. The legislative power is competent to lay taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; — there is no limitation to this power, unless it be said that the clause which directs the use to which those taxes, and duties shall be applied, may be said to be a limitation: but this is no restriction of the power at all, for by this clause they are to be applied to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but the legislature have authority to contract debts at their discretion; they are the sole judges of what is necessary to provide for the common defence, and they only are to determine what is for the general welfare; this power therefore is neither more nor less, than a power to lay and collect taxes, imposts, and excises, at their pleasure; not only [is] the power to lay taxes unlimited, as to the amount they may require, but it is perfect and absolute to raise them in any mode they please. No state legislature, or any power in the state governments, have any more to do in carrying this into effect, than the authority of one state has to do with that of another. In the business therefore of laying and collecting taxes, the idea of confederation is totally lost, and that of one entire republic is embraced. It is proper here to remark, that the authority to lay and collect taxes is the most important of any power that can be granted; it connects with it almost all other powers, or at least will in process of time draw all other after it; it is the great mean of protection, security, and defence, in a good government, and the great engine of oppression and tyranny in a bad one. This cannot fail of being the case, if we consider the contracted limits which are set by this constitution, to the late [state?] governments, on this article of raising money. No state can emit paper money — lay any duties, or imposts, on imports, or exports, but by consent of the Congress; and then the net produce shall be for the benefit of the United States: the only mean therefore left, for any state to support its government and discharge its debts, is by direct taxation; and the United States have also power to lay and collect taxes, in any way they please. Every one who has thought on the subject, must be convinced that but small sums of money can be collected in any country, by direct taxe[s], when the foederal government begins to exercise the right of taxation in all its parts, the legislatures of the several states will find it impossible to raise monies to support their governments. Without money they cannot be supported, and they must dwindle away, and, as before observed, their powers absorbed in that of the general government.It might be here shewn, that the power in the federal legislative, to raise and support armies at pleasure, as well in peace as in war, and their controul over the militia, tend, not only to a consolidation of the government, but the destruction of liberty. — I shall not, however, dwell upon these, as a few observations upon the judicial power of this government, in addition to the preceding, will fully evince the truth of the position.The judicial power of the United States is to be vested in a supreme court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The powers of these courts are very extensive; their jurisdiction comprehends all civil causes, except such as arise between citizens of the same state; and it extends to all cases in law and equity arising under the constitution. One inferior court must be established, I presume, in each state, at least, with the necessary executive officers appendant thereto. It is easy to see, that in the common course of things, these courts will eclipse the dignity, and take away from the respectability, of the state courts. These courts will be, in themselves, totally independent of the states, deriving their authority from the United States, and receiving from them fixed salaries; and in the course of human events it is to be expected, that they will swallow up all the powers of the courts in the respective states.How far the clause in the 8th section of the 1st article may operate to do away all idea of confederated states, and to effect an entire consolidation of the whole into one general government, it is impossible to say. The powers given by this article are very general and comprehensive, and it may receive a construction to justify the passing almost any law. A power to make all laws, which shall be necessary and proper, for carrying into execution, all powers vested by the constitution in the government of the United States, or any department or officer thereof, is a power very comprehensive and definite [indefinite?], and may, for ought I know, be exercised in a such manner as entirely to abolish the state legislatures. Suppose the legislature of a state should pass a law to raise money to support their government and pay the state debt, may the Congress repeal this law, because it may prevent the collection of a tax which they may think proper and necessary to lay, to provide for the general welfare of the United States? For all laws made, in pursuance of this constitution, are the supreme lay of the land, and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of the different states to the contrary notwithstanding. — By such a law, the government of a particular state might be overturned at one stroke, and thereby be deprived of every means of its support.
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- When reading the Federalist Papers it is good to remember that Hamilton was a strong Federalist who wanted a dominating central government.
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- I would not necessarily agree to that view point. One must remember that the Federalist papers were written as campaign pieces - attempts to sell the Constitution to the people. They were the equivalent of today's TV ads so be careful how much you take from the sales pitches.
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- Sell is operative word and the Federalist Papers candy coated the object of the intent which to subvert the sovereignty of the states and create a strong central government. IMHO
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